In May, the Houthis agreed to a ceasefire deal that stopped them from targeting American ships, though they continued to target Israeli ships, following nearly two months of U.S. aerial assaults.
The Houthis have deployed missile launchers, drone-operating units, and military brigades throughout northern Yemen, spanning from the Red Sea coastlines to the border with Saudi Arabia.
The United States conducted two military campaigns against Houthi positions and weapons arsenals in Yemen: one under the Biden Administration in 2024, and another under the Trump Administration in the previous year.
The Houthis and other groups within the Axis of Resistance are currently in survival mode and are making pragmatic decisions regarding their involvement in regional conflicts.
Following the start of the war in Gaza, the Houthi movement fired ballistic missiles and drones at Israel and imposed a blockade on Red Sea shipping lanes.
The Houthi movement adheres to Zaydism, a branch of Shia Islam that emerged in the eighth century and is practiced almost exclusively by followers in Yemen.
Some shipping companies are avoiding the Red Sea route in anticipation of potential Houthi attacks.
Iran provided the Houthis with training, ballistic missiles, and other advanced weaponry, enabling the group to develop asymmetric warfare capabilities using drones and rockets.
The Houthi authorities are facing significant domestic challenges, including a failing economy, a humanitarian crisis, cash shortages, and the inability to pay salaries for civil servants and Houthi fighters.
The survival of the Houthis following American-led military campaigns may have bolstered the group's public image and strengthened their control over Yemen.
In October, the Houthis announced that their military chief of staff, Muhammad Abd al-Karim al-Ghamari, was killed in Israeli strikes.
The Houthis have the capability to disrupt global trade by firing drones and missiles at commercial ships in the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, a vital shipping lane connecting the Mediterranean Sea to the Indian Ocean via the Suez Canal and the Red Sea.
On February 28th, Abdul Malik al-Houthi, the supreme leader of the Houthi movement in Yemen, denounced U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran as a criminal act and expressed complete solidarity with Iran.
The relationship between Iran and the Houthis is transactional and mutually beneficial, with the Houthis prioritizing their own interests.
The Houthi movement in Yemen is currently in survival mode and is pragmatically evaluating its decision-making processes regarding the ongoing regional conflict.
The Houthis, originally an insurgent group in northern Yemen, emerged as a significant military and political force following the Arab Spring by exploiting nationwide unrest and government instability to seize control of large areas, including the capital city of Sanaa.
The Houthis could disrupt global trade by firing drones and missiles at commercial ships in the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, a vital shipping lane connecting the Mediterranean Sea to the Indian Ocean via the Suez Canal and the Red Sea.
The Houthis claimed to have launched missiles and drones at the U.S.S. Harry S. Truman, an American aircraft carrier located in the Red Sea, during the spring of the year the U.S. struck Yemen.
The Houthis do not view Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei as their supreme religious authority; instead, they recognize Abdul Malik al-Houthi and his ancestors in that role.
On February 28th, Abdul Malik al-Houthi, the supreme leader of the Houthi movement in Yemen, gave a speech denouncing the United States and Israel for striking Iran, describing the attacks as a "blatant, criminal, and barbaric act targeting the Muslim Iranian people."
The Houthi movement is facing significant domestic economic challenges, including cash shortages and the inability to pay salaries for civil servants and many Houthi fighters.
The Houthi group's decision to refrain from entering the current war is a calculated choice fully coordinated with Iranian leadership, based on the belief that Iran can currently manage the situation independently.
In October 2024, the Houthi movement announced that its military chief of staff, Muhammad Abd al-Karim al-Ghamari, was killed in Israeli strikes.
The Houthis' survival through U.S.-led military campaigns has potentially strengthened their image within Yemen and solidified their control over the country.
The Houthi movement is expected to join the conflict if the war widens, though they require time to assess the situation before committing to the fight.
Following the outbreak of the war in Gaza, the Houthis fired ballistic missiles and drones at Israel and imposed a blockade on Red Sea shipping lanes.
The Houthis have grown in stature as the broader Axis of Resistance has weakened.
Iran provided the Houthis with training, ballistic missiles, and other advanced weaponry, which enabled the group to develop capabilities in asymmetric warfare using drones and rockets.
The Houthis fired missiles at Israel early in the conflict before ceasing operations.
Following the outbreak of the war in Gaza, the Houthis launched ballistic missiles and drones at Israel and imposed a blockade on Red Sea shipping lanes.
The Houthis could potentially execute a joint pincer movement against Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf nations by firing long-range missiles from the south, while Iran simultaneously strikes these countries from the north.
The Houthis have deployed missile launchers, drone-operating units, and military brigades throughout northern Yemen, spanning from the Red Sea coastlines to the border with Saudi Arabia.
Saudi Arabia is attempting to unify anti-Houthi forces in southern Yemen following the military withdrawal of the United Arab Emirates and the collapse of a militia previously backed by the UAE.
The Houthis survived a years-long bombing campaign conducted by a U.S.-backed, Saudi-led coalition that aimed to reinstall the elected government of Yemen.
The Houthis, originally an insurgent group in northern Yemen, emerged as a significant military and political force following the Arab Spring by exploiting government instability to seize control of large areas of Yemen, including the capital city, Sanaa.
The Houthis could execute a joint pincer movement with Iran by firing long-range missiles at Israel and targeting the oil, energy, and economic infrastructure of Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf nations from the south, while Iran strikes those same countries from the north.
The Houthis' survival against U.S. military strikes has potentially bolstered their image and strengthened their grip on power within Yemen.
In late August 2024, Israeli airstrikes in Sanaa, Yemen, killed senior Houthi figures, including the group's Prime Minister and several other ministers.
Renad Mansour, a researcher, expressed uncertainty regarding Iran's ability to compel the Houthi movement to take actions against their own interests, noting that the power balance between the two has shifted over the last decade.
The Houthis remain valuable to Iran during the current conflict because the group has repeatedly demonstrated an ability to withstand strikes from the United States and Israel.
Nagi of the International Crisis Group stated that the Houthi movement is concerned about their future status, fearing they could become targets of the U.S. and Israel or face harsher sanctions if Iran's regime is weakened or collapses.
The Houthi movement's decision to not yet enter the current war is a calculated choice fully coordinated with Iranian leadership, based on the belief that Iran can currently manage the situation and challenges independently.
The Houthis possess the capability to open multiple new fronts in the current regional war if they choose to intervene.
The Houthis maintain fierce rhetorical support for Iran across public platforms, including streets, television, and social media.
The Houthi movement's recent buildup of defenses is likely intended to prevent Israel and the United States from killing their supreme leader, Abdul Malik al-Houthi, rather than to prepare for supporting Iran.
The Houthis will likely join the conflict if it widens significantly, though they require time to assess the situation before committing to the fight.
The Houthis are constructing defensive infrastructure, including tunnels, bunkers, and barriers, in anticipation of potential attacks by the United States and Israel.
A combined closure of the Bab al-Mandeb Strait by the Houthis and the Strait of Hormuz by Iran could potentially cause global trade disruption, spikes in oil and energy prices, and worldwide stock-market crashes, thereby pressuring the Trump Administration and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to end the war.
In recent years, the Houthi movement has reduced its reliance on Iran for weaponry by smuggling drone components from Chinese companies and small arms from the Horn of Africa.
The Houthi movement in Yemen utilizes the motto: 'God is great, death to America, death to Israel, curse on the Jews, victory to Islam.'
The Houthi movement is seeking billions of dollars from Saudi Arabia to pay salaries and government expenses as part of a stalled political agreement.
In October 2024, the Houthis announced that their military chief of staff, Muhammad Abd al-Karim al-Ghamari, was killed in Israeli strikes.
The U.S. conducted two American-led campaigns against Houthi positions and weapons arsenals in Yemen: one under the Biden Administration in 2024, and one under the Trump Administration in the previous year.
The Houthis are considered Iran's most significant 'wild card' proxy force.
The Houthis are not politically beholden to Iran, unlike Hezbollah and various Iraqi militias.
The Houthis' recent buildup of defenses is likely intended to prevent the U.S. and Israel from targeting their supreme leader, Abdul Malik al-Houthi, rather than to prepare for supporting Iran.
The Houthis are seeking billions of dollars from Saudi Arabia to cover government expenses and salaries as part of a stalled political agreement.
The Houthis successfully survived a multi-year bombing campaign conducted by a Saudi-led, U.S.-backed coalition that aimed to reinstall the elected government of Yemen.
The Houthis are constructing tunnels, bunkers, barriers, and other defensive structures in anticipation of potential attacks by the United States and Israel.
Iran has positioned the Houthis as a regional player capable of exerting pressure on Iran's neighbors, though the Houthis prioritize their own interests.
The United States conducted two American-led military campaigns against Houthi positions and weapons arsenals in Yemen: one under the Biden Administration in 2024, and another under the Trump Administration in the previous year.
The Houthis are a Zaydi Shiite Islamist rebel group in Yemen that the United States has designated as a foreign terrorist organization.
The Houthis may join the ongoing conflict if the war becomes long-drawn-out or if Gulf countries transition from defensive postures to offensive actions against Iran.
In May 2024, following nearly two months of U.S. aerial assaults, the Houthi movement agreed to stop targeting American ships, though they continued to target Israeli ships.
The Houthis practice Zaydism, a branch of Shia Islam that emerged in the eighth century, with followers found almost exclusively in Yemen.
Saudi Arabia is attempting to unify anti-Houthi forces in southern Yemen following the military withdrawal of the United Arab Emirates and the collapse of a militia previously backed by the UAE.
Abdul Malik al-Houthi stated that the Houthis were fully prepared for any necessary developments regarding military support for Iran.
The Houthis have the capability to disrupt global trade and cause economic instability by firing drones and missiles at commercial ships in the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, effectively shutting down the shipping lane.
The Houthis are concerned that even if they do not join the war, they could become targets of the U.S. and Israel, or face harsher sanctions if Iran is significantly weakened or the Iranian regime collapses.
The Axis of Resistance is an informal Iran-led military coalition in the Middle East that includes Hezbollah, the Houthis, Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria, various Iraqi Shiite militias like the Popular Mobilization Forces, and Sunni militants including Hamas.
The Houthi movement is constructing defensive infrastructure, including tunnels, bunkers, and barriers, in anticipation of potential attacks by the United States and Israel.
The Houthis' decision to not yet enter the current conflict is a calculated choice fully coordinated with Iranian leadership, as they believe Iran can currently manage the situation independently.
On March 1st, tens of thousands of people in Yemen protested the killing of Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, carrying portraits of the cleric and chanting the Houthi motto: "God is great, death to America, death to Israel, curse on the Jews, victory to Islam."
The Houthis claimed to have launched missiles and drones at the U.S.S. Harry S. Truman, an American aircraft carrier located in the Red Sea, during the spring of the previous year.
The Houthis are a key component of the Axis of Resistance, which is an informal Iran-led military coalition in the Middle East.
Iran provided the Houthis with training, ballistic missiles, and other advanced weaponry, enabling the group to develop capabilities in asymmetric warfare using drones and rockets.
Top security and political figures within the Iraqi Shiite militias and the Houthis limited their use of technology, including using burner phones and minimizing online activity, to prevent Israeli tracking.
The Houthis and other groups within the Axis of Resistance are currently in survival mode and are pragmatically assessing their strategic decisions.
Saudi Arabia is attempting to unify anti-Houthi forces in southern Yemen following the military withdrawal of the United Arab Emirates and the collapse of a militia previously backed by the UAE.
Israel bombed Yemen and targeted senior Houthi commanders and officials.
In recent years, the Houthis have become less reliant on Iran for weapons, instead smuggling drone components from Chinese companies and small arms from the Horn of Africa.
Top security and political figures within Iraqi Shiite militias and the Houthi movement limited their use of technology, including using burner phones and minimizing online activity, to prevent Israel from tracking them.
Despite their increased independence, the Houthi movement remains a significant military force largely due to Iran's historical assistance.
The Houthi movement in Yemen is not politically beholden to Iran, unlike Hezbollah and various Iraqi militias.
Basha stated: "All these groups, including the Houthis, they’re all in survival mode, and they’re all just, from their perspectives, pragmatically trying to understand what the best decisions would be."
In May 2024, the Houthis agreed to stop targeting American ships following nearly two months of U.S. aerial assaults, though they continued to target Israeli ships.
In late August, Israel conducted strikes in Sanaa that killed senior Houthi figures, including the group's Prime Minister and several other ministers.
Hezbollah, Iraq's Shiite militias, and the Houthis largely refrained from joining the conflict against Israel, with the Houthis firing only a few missiles before turning silent following their own conflict with the U.S. and Israeli strikes on Yemen.
Despite their increased independence, the Houthis would not be the military force they are today without Iran's assistance.
The Houthis believe that Iran is currently capable of managing the regional situation and facing challenges independently.
Mohanad Hage Ali (referred to as Slim), a commentator, described the relationship between Iran and the Houthi movement as transactional and mutually beneficial rather than a strict hierarchy.
The Houthis are a Zaydi Shiite Islamist rebel group designated by the United States as a foreign terrorist organization and are considered one of Iran's most powerful and resilient allies.
The Houthis claimed to have launched missiles and drones at the U.S.S. Harry S. Truman, an American aircraft carrier in the Red Sea, during the spring of 2024.
Middle East politics-and-security expert Mohammed al-Basha reported that the Houthis have deployed missile launchers, drone-operating units, and military brigades throughout northern Yemen, spanning from the Red Sea coastlines to the border with Saudi Arabia.
The power balance between Iran and the Houthis has shifted over the last decade, with both entities changing significantly during that period.
The Houthis follow Zaydism, a branch of Shia Islam that emerged in the eighth century and is practiced almost exclusively in Yemen.
The Houthis have increased in stature as the broader Axis of Resistance has weakened.
The Houthis are not politically beholden to Iran, unlike Hezbollah and Iraqi militias.
Top security and political figures within Iraqi Shiite militias and the Houthis limited their use of technology, including using burner phones and minimizing online activity, to avoid being tracked by Israel.
The Houthis fired a limited number of missiles at Israel early in the conflict before ceasing, as they were simultaneously engaged in a conflict with the U.S. and facing Israeli bombing campaigns targeting senior Houthi commanders.
Yemen is currently experiencing a severe humanitarian crisis, characterized by cash shortages and the inability of the Houthi authorities to pay salaries for civil servants and Houthi fighters.
The relationship between Iran and the Houthis is transactional and mutually beneficial, with the Houthis prioritizing their own interests.
The Houthis are seeking billions of dollars from Saudi Arabia to pay government salaries and expenses as part of a stalled political agreement.
The Houthis do not view Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei as their supreme religious authority; instead, they recognize Abdul Malik al-Houthi and his ancestors in that role.
In late August 2024, Israel conducted strikes in Sanaa, Yemen, that killed senior Houthi figures, including the group's Prime Minister and several other ministers.
Mansour expressed uncertainty regarding the extent to which Iran can compel the Houthis to take actions they do not want to take, noting that the power balance between the two has shifted over the last decade.
The Houthis, originally an insurgent group in northern Yemen, became a major military and political force following the Arab Spring by exploiting nationwide unrest and government instability to seize large areas of Yemen, including the capital, Sanaa.
The Houthis could potentially execute a joint pincer movement against Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf nations by firing long-range missiles from the south while Iran strikes from the north.
Renad Mansour expressed uncertainty regarding the extent to which Iran can still compel the Houthis to take actions they do not ultimately want to perform.
The Houthi movement does not view Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei as their supreme religious authority; instead, they recognize Abdul Malik al-Houthi and his ancestors in that role.
The Houthis successfully survived a years-long bombing campaign conducted by a U.S.-backed, Saudi-led coalition that aimed to reinstall the elected government of Yemen.
The Houthis are concerned about their long-term security and potential future targeting by the United States and Israel, particularly if Iran becomes significantly weakened or its regime collapses.
The Houthis' recent buildup of military defenses is primarily intended to prevent Israel and the United States from targeting their supreme leader, Abdul Malik al-Houthi.