The West, particularly the United States, advocates for democratic reform and economic liberalization in Central Asia, which requires domestic elites to relinquish influence over regional economic developments.
The article titled 'Tracing the geopolitical influence and regional power dynamics in Central Asia: a thematic analysis with Neorealist perspectives' was authored by K.U. Mahmud and M.S. Hossain and published in the journal 'Discover Global Society' in 2025.
The paper examines the geopolitical importance of Central Asia, emphasizing its evolving status as a strategic region in the global balance of power based on an extensive literature review.
Russia considers Central Asia a buffer zone against NATO's spatial growth in Western Europe.
Following the September 11 attacks, President Vladimir Putin acknowledged the need to share counter-terrorism security duties in Central Asia with Western countries.
Central Asian nations must balance their relations by presenting Chinese alternatives alongside cooperation with Russia, Western powers, and other international actors.
Central Asia is positioned strategically between Asia and Europe, making it a key arena for competition among China, Russia, the European Union, and the United States due to its vast resources and energy reserves.
The article 'Russian policy in Central Asia: supporting, balancing, coercing, or imposing?' by MR Freire analyzes the various strategies employed by Russia in its Central Asian policy.
The security framework in Central Asia is characterized by cross-border conflicts, ethnic disputes, and foreign power maneuvers, which create exceptional security challenges.
Central Asian countries have expanded their alliances to include the United States and Europe to avoid becoming dependent on a single great power, reflecting neorealist balancing dynamics.
Significant power engagement in Central Asia is deeply influenced by structural and systemic elements, despite the divergent internal dynamics of the countries in the region.
Phase 7 of the Central Asia Drug Action Programme (CADAP) focuses on reducing drug use in Central Asia and providing access to high-quality drug demand reduction therapies using a human rights-based approach that incorporates a gender perspective.
Under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey implements Central Asian policies through cultural and educational programs, including the expansion of Turkish educational institutions and the provision of scholarships to Central Asian students.
The study uses a qualitative research design grounded in interpretive analysis to examine the shifting geopolitical landscape of Central Asia and the interactions of external powers including China, Russia, the United States, and the European Union.
The wealth of hydrocarbons in Central Asia makes the region strategically significant, which intensifies competition among foreign powers seeking economic leverage and geostrategic positions.
Russia aims to maintain historical connections with Central Asia through economic and military cooperation.
Mayer S. and Lempp J. authored 'Introduction: the European Union in Central Asia', published in 'The EU as an actor in Central Asia' by Springer International Publishing in 2024, pages 1–29.
Kazakhstan possesses the most significant oil reserves in Central Asia, totaling 30 billion barrels.
The European Union has been a proactive partner and contributor to Central Asian countries since their independence in 1991, with a cooperation approach encompassing human rights, democratization, economic development, energy, transport, and regional security.
The Central Asia Drug Action Programme (CADAP) is an EU-funded project introduced in 2003 to reduce drug demand in Central Asia through evidence-based policies, best practices, and capacity building for regional governments.
The Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 have had a seismic impact on the strategic value of Central Asia.
The Taliban has provided assurances to Central Asian nations that Afghan territory will not be utilized as a base for launching attacks against them.
The equilibrium between cooperation and rivalry among regional and international actors will shape the future of Central Asia.
Regional powers in Central Asia must manage international sanctions, security challenges, and competing interests while utilizing available resources to ensure the success of regional initiatives.
The central research question of the study is how new global power realignments influence Central Asia's regional balancing process and the resulting impact on international security dynamics.
Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Central Asian republics became relatively weaker actors compared to the surrounding countries in terms of power distribution.
The United States strategy in Central Asia focuses on securing assistance in the fight against militant Islamists rather than providing domestic security support to the countries in the region.
Economic interconnectivity via the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) fosters cooperation but exacerbates tensions like border disputes and water conflicts in Central Asia.
The geopolitical environment in Central Asia has shifted from a Russian-controlled 'sphere of influence' to a 'strategic intersection' where major powers like China employ both collaborative and confrontational strategies.
Russia maintains influence in Central Asia through military outposts, security alliances like the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), and economic integration through the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU).
The United States emphasizes security concerns and the maintenance of a balance of power in Central Asia.
Neorealism as a theoretical framework underplays soft power elements, such as Turkey’s cultural ties or Iran's networks, revealing its limitations in fully capturing multilayered interactions in Central Asia.
Economic interconnectivity in Central Asia acts as a double-edged sword that often exacerbates regional instability due to differences of interest.
The study suggests the US and EU should integrate economic incentives with security aid to counterbalance influence in Central Asia without alienating local populations.
Central Asian states have adopted multi-vector foreign policies to balance influences from major global actors, which fosters both cooperation through organizations like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and rivalries.
China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has increased infrastructure investments and trade in Central Asia, reshaping economic dependencies in the region.
Nogayeva A. explored the limitations of Chinese 'soft power' regarding population and language policies in Central Asia in a 2015 article published in Geopolitics.
Scholars suggest that rivalry between China and Russia is unlikely to emerge in Central Asia, as both countries engage with the region based on mutual respect.
Western powers, including the United States and the European Union, prioritize counterterrorism, democratic reforms, and diversified partnerships in Central Asia through frameworks such as NATO and the C5 + 1.
Russia avoids meddling in the internal affairs of Central Asian countries, specifically regarding human rights improvements or political competition, which has garnered praise from the region.
Troitskiy and other experts argue that the United States must maintain a presence in Central Asia to effectively combat terrorism and expand its sphere of influence.
Central Asian states have attempted to capitalize on neutrality while shaping their policies regarding the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, as analyzed in a 2023 study by A. Kazantsev-Vaisman.
Some experts argue that Chinese infrastructure projects in Central Asia often prioritize Chinese interests, such as bolstering exports and resource imports, rather than fulfilling the broader developmental needs of the Central Asian countries.
Lain S. authored 'Strategies for countering terrorism and extremism in Central Asia', published in Asian Affairs in 2016, volume 47, issue 3, pages 386–405.
The study uses systemic factors as primary variables to analyze Central Asia's relations with great powers.
President Donald Trump's re-election and his distancing from previous policies are opening new avenues for tangible cooperation between the United States and Central Asian countries in energy, trade, transit, and the extraction of rare earth elements.
The Chabahar Port agreement between India and Iran establishes a 10-year usage term that allows India to bypass maritime bottlenecks and create trade lanes to South Caucasus nations, Central Asia, and Eurasia.
Central Asian nations employ multi-vector policies to navigate Russia's military dominance through the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), China's economic interdependencies through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and Western counterterrorism efforts.
The United States military presence in Central Asia faced increasing resentment from host countries and opposition from regional powers like China and Russia.
Experts warn that resource-dependent projects, such as the Central Asia-China Gas Pipeline, may perpetuate extractive economic patterns in Central Asia and constrain initiatives to diversify local economies.
Central Asia has shifted from being a Russian 'backyard' to a contested arena.
The security environment of Central Asia is complicated by the continuous influence of various external powers that reshape the regional stability equilibrium.
Moldaliyeva AI authored a 2023 study titled 'Iran and Central Asia: socio-cultural relations' which examines the socio-cultural ties between Iran and the Central Asian region.
Eurasianet reported in 2025 that China has enhanced its position as the economic overlord of Central Asia.
Levine I. authored 'US policies in Central Asia: Democracy, energy and the war on terror', published by Routledge in 2016.
The study suggests China and Russia could prioritize collaborative infrastructure to mitigate rivalries in Central Asia.
Pop II analyzed the role of Russia, the EU, and NATO in the strengthening of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in Central Asia in a 2009 article.
Nyshanbayev N., Augan M., Almaz M., and Baiymbetova Z. examined the impact of the Russia-Ukraine conflict on Central Asia in a 2024 article published in the Kasetsart Journal of Social Sciences.
Since the Taliban returned to power in 2021, all Central Asian countries except Tajikistan have adopted a strategy of clandestine collaboration with Afghanistan.
China's energy security in modern Central Asia is a subject of academic study, as noted in a 2020 publication.
The completion of the Azerbaijani Astara terminal and the expected completion of the final railway stretch by 2028 will make the International North–South Transport Corridor (INSTC) an operational route capable of transforming regional trading patterns between India and Central Asia.
The decision to defund USAID is reducing United States influence among Central Asian countries in non-commercial and normative areas such as health, water management, countering violent extremism, and good governance.
International security efforts in Central Asia prioritize anti-terrorism operations and measures to reduce extremist violence over the resolution of economic factors that fuel regional unrest.
The Asian Development Bank (ADB) reports that bilateral trade among Central Asian countries remains low in volume compared to more economically linked regions like the EU and Southeast Asia.
Roy Allison argued in 2004 that Russia's policy in Central Asia is characterized by strategic reassertion.
The Organization of Turkic States (OTS), established in 2009, is being reinvigorated to bolster Turkey's influence in Central Asia by facilitating cooperation on economic development, energy, and transportation networks.
The geopolitical importance of Central Asia increased significantly following Russia's expansion into Crimea in 2014 and the 2022 invasion of Ukraine.
India, Iran, Turkey, and Afghanistan have utilized new opportunities arising from the rise of traditional powers to strengthen their presence in the Central Asian strategic region.
Security and counterterrorism cooperation between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the United States contributes to the complexity of regional dynamics in Central Asia.
Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) investments and Russian security control through the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) are opportunities arising from regional resources in Central Asia.
Central Asia plays an important role in the international war against terrorism for the United States due to the region's proximity to Afghanistan and Pakistan.
Extensive infrastructure projects in Central Asia frequently neglect ecological factors, leading to apprehensions over environmental sustainability.
Turkey's foreign policy toward Central Asia combines historical objectives with modern practical goals.
Central Asian governments welcome an enhanced European Union presence as a way to regain global relevance and diversify their international partnerships following the international withdrawal from Afghanistan.
Neorealist theory explains that great powers intervene in Central Asia for security, economic leverage, and geostrategic position rather than ideological grounds.
A. Cooley, D. Lewis, and G. P. Herd analyzed the roles and interactions of Russia and China in Central Asia.
Criticism of Chinese infrastructure projects in Central Asia focuses on the employment of Chinese labor, which restricts work opportunities for local inhabitants and intensifies social conflicts involving xenophobic rhetoric.
Neorealist theory is limited in its analysis of Central Asian foreign policy because it does not incorporate the influence of soft power, identity, and domestic politics.
G. Bifolchi reported on the significance of the first Germany-Central Asia Summit held in 2023.
Muzalevsky R. analyzed key trends in Russia's strategy in Central Asia in a 2009 article published in the Yale Journal of International Affairs.
Afghanistan's geographic position between Central and South Asia significantly impacts regional trade routes and security considerations.
T. Dadabaev analyzed the formation of regional identity within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) from the perspective of Central Asian states.
Moscow reinforces its influence within the security frameworks of Central Asian countries by providing military training and education to their armed forces, which enhances Moscow's control over its own defense capabilities.
Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Western powers largely excluded Central Asia from global geopolitical setups to prioritize stable relations with Boris Yeltsin's Russia.
L. R. Choudhary examined India's defence diplomacy efforts directed toward Central Asia.
China has strengthened its strategic foothold in Central Asia through economic measures such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) over the last decade.
Central Asian economies focus primarily on international markets such as Russia, China, and the EU rather than on intra-regional trade.
The study utilizes a qualitative methodology that incorporates secondary literature review, policy analysis, and thematic examination grounded in neorealist theory to analyze Central Asia's geopolitical landscape.
The article 'Russia, NATO and the ‘War on Terror’: Competition and Co-Operation in Central Asia after 11 September 2001' by PJ Duncan examines the dynamics of Russia and NATO in Central Asia following the September 11, 2001 attacks.
Since its establishment in 2003, the Border Management Programme in Central Asia (BOMCA) has focused on institutional capacity building, the creation of trade corridors, the promotion of trade, the improvement of border control mechanisms, and the combatting of drug trafficking.
China's investments in Central Asia have reduced the region's overdependence on Russia, fostering a more competitive environment among great powers.
The study analyzes Central Asia's geopolitical evolution as a strategic hub amid great power rivalries over resources, security, and influence using neorealism and an extensive secondary literature review.
The study suggests Central Asian states should strengthen multi-vector diplomacy to diversify partnerships and reduce dependency on any single power.
Since 2002, President Vladimir Putin has demonstrated a commitment to halting the decline of Russia’s military presence and security connections in Central Asia.
The research methodology for the study on geopolitical influence in Central Asia relies on an extensive literature review of peer-reviewed academic articles, policy papers from think tanks and multilateral organizations, official strategy documents, and reputable news media.
Water resource management in Central Asia is a sensitive intra-regional political issue, as rivers provide hydroelectric power to upstream nations like Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan while facilitating irrigation for downstream countries like Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan.
F. C. Buranelli analyzed the continuity and change observed in the new cycle of Central Asian consultative meetings.
Rana PB and Ji X. edited a 2020 book titled 'China’s Belt and Road Initiative' which includes a chapter on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Central Asia.
The "United States Strategy for Central Asia 2019–2025" serves as a guideline for US foreign policy and underscores six key areas for engagement with Central Asian countries.
China is involved in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Central Asia, which seeks to secure energy supplies and develop trade engagement.
Laowattanabhongse A. authored 'China’s soft power ascendancy in Central Asia', published in the Social Science and Humanities Journal in 2024, volume 8, issue 04, pages 3513–21.
The European Union underscores energy security through the diversification of its sources in Central Asia.
Mustafa Aydın analyzed Turkey's role in Central Asia in a 2024 book chapter titled 'Türkiye in Central Asia' within the volume 'Central Asia in a multipolar world'.
The study argues that Central Asia is and will continue to be a core hub for geopolitical competition, driven by regional power dynamics and the policies of foreign powers.
Russia maintains military influence in Central Asia through the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and utilizes energy exports to uphold its dominance in the region.
Central Asian countries have been establishing their nationhood and adjusting to market economies since gaining independence in 1991.
The United States and NATO have increased their focus on Central Asia due to its proximity to Afghanistan, where they have maintained military engagement since the September 11, 2001 attacks.
Central Asia has transitioned from being considered Russia's 'backyard' to a region of increasing strategic importance in global geopolitics.
Great powers, including the US, China, Russia, Turkey, and the EU, influence Central Asia through military cooperation, investments in energy and transportation corridors, and diplomatic initiatives to incorporate the region into geoeconomic frameworks like the Eurasian Economic Union or the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) has become a prominent regional institution in Central Asia, with strategies that were intensified following the Afghanistan crisis.
The Border Management Programme in Central Asia (BOMCA), funded by the European Union and established in 2003, aims to improve regional security and stability by promoting sustainable economic development through integrated border management.
Z. Arynov examined the changing perceptions of the European Union within Central Asian countries.
Kurç Ç. authored 'The puzzle: multi-vector foreign policy and defense industrialization in Central Asia', published in Comparative Strategy in 2018, volume 37, issue 4, pages 316–30.
Russia functions as the primary security protector throughout Central Asia, having heightened concerns about foreign manipulation during the 2022 unrest in Kazakhstan.
The China-Central Asian Summit was held in Xi'an in 2023, as reported by China Briefing News.
Cross-border skirmishes and economic rivalry persist in Central Asia despite cooperative frameworks like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU).
Central Asian countries face complicated foreign relations with Russia due to the expansion of Chinese infrastructure development and energy ventures in the region.
A large portion of the ruling class in Central Asia views their affiliation with Europe as a way to differentiate themselves from nations that were never Soviet satellites.
The study argues that Central Asia will continue to be a pivotal geopolitical hotspot as the global balance of power shifts.
The research study utilizes a qualitative methodology that combines policy analysis and literature review to understand the complex relationships between Central Asian nations and international actors.
European Council President Charles Michel characterized the 2022 meeting with Central Asian leaders as "a powerful symbol of our enhanced cooperation and a strong signal of the EU’s dedication to this region."
India is Kazakhstan's largest trading partner in Central Asia, though Kazakhstan conducts significantly less trade with India than with China.
Oxford Analytica projected in 2024 that Russian gas sales to Central Asia will increase.
The European Union considers Afghanistan to be its primary security concern regarding Central Asia, as the internal security of the European Union is not directly affected by Central Asian countries due to a lack of shared borders.
The European Council President Charles Michel issued remarks following the Central Asia Leaders' Meeting in 2023.
Peyrouse S. discussed the prevalence of sinophilia and sinophobia in Central Asia in a 2016 article published in the Journal of Eurasian Studies.
India has established a strategic presence in Central Asia by setting up military bases at Farkhor and Gissar air bases in Tajikistan.
Central Asian states require inter-state cooperation to address natural resource development, water conservation and management, trade and transit, and the combating of disease and drug trafficking.
Chinese investments in Central Asia have generated economic possibilities but have also incited local opposition due to perceptions of inequitable advantages.
Omelicheva MY authored a 2010 book titled 'Counterterrorism policies in Central Asia' published by Routledge.
India provides joint military training to Central Asian countries as part of its commitment to regional security partnerships.
Great powers incorporate Central Asia into geoeconomic frameworks such as the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
India's infrastructure development line of credit for Central Asia is rarely utilized due to competition from Chinese economic strength in the region.
Lynch III T.F., Bouffard M., King L., and Vickowski G. authored 'The return of foreign fighters to Central Asia: Implications for US counterterrorism policy', published in 2016.
Oxford Analytica assessed that the rivalry between Russia and China in Central Asia is unlikely to grow.
Neorealism explains Central Asian dynamics by highlighting how anarchic international structures compel states to prioritize survival through balancing.
Russia uses the justification of a shared counterterrorism fight to pursue bilateral and multilateral strategies aimed at rekindling military ties with regional leaders and restoring Russia's military-security presence in Central Asia.
Many observers consider China a new threat to Russian influence in Central Asia.
China's growing interest in the Central Asian energy sector, including the construction of the Central Asia-China gas pipeline, threatens Russia's monopoly in the region.
The study analyzes official documents, including the 'US Strategy for Central Asia 2019–2025', Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) documentation, and Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) statements, to identify strategic priorities and instruments used by external actors in Central Asia.
Kim Y. and Indeo F. authored 'The new great game in Central Asia post 2014: The US “New Silk Road” strategy and Sino-Russian rivalry', published in Communist and Post-Communist Studies in 2013, volume 46, issue 2, pages 275–86.