By September 1990, the Pentagon claimed that 265,000 Iraqi troops and 2,200 tanks were deployed in Kuwait and posed a threat to Saudi Arabia.
A Pentagon official estimated that the Iraqi military force in Kuwait was approaching 100,000 troops.
The Economist reported on August 4, 1990, that Iraq's invasion of Kuwait gave Iraq control of twenty percent of the world's known oil reserves, allowing Iraq to rival Saudi Arabia as OPEC's 'swing' producer.
John Kelly, the U.S. assistant secretary of state for Middle Eastern affairs, characterized the potential invasion of Kuwait by Iraq as 'a hypothetical' that he could not discuss.
The author asserts that the motivations behind the Bush administration's failure to warn Iraq against invading Kuwait remain unclear due to the administration's history of incompetence and Machiavellian actions.
Time magazine claimed that the failure of the August 1, 1990, negotiations between Iraq and Kuwait was due to the Iraqi delegation, who demanded total capitulation from Kuwait and were determined to see the negotiations break down.
Saddam Hussein stated regarding the Iraqi intervention in Kuwait: "as soon as the situation settles down and the evil grip is loosened on Arab Kuwait."
On August 12, 1990, Iraq proposed withdrawing from Kuwait contingent upon Syria and Israel withdrawing from occupied Arab lands in Lebanon and other occupied territories, an initiative the United States dismissed.
Peter Zimmerman, a former U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency official, stated regarding the Iraqi troop presence in Kuwait: 'The Pentagon kept saying the bad guys were there, but we don't see anything to indicate an Iraqi force in Kuwait of even 20 percent the size the administration claimed.'
Iraq was motivated to move troops to the Kuwaiti border because Kuwait was selling oil below the agreed-upon OPEC price, which reduced Iraq's oil revenue by billions of dollars.
Presidential press secretary Marlin Fitzwater claimed that during a meeting with U.S. chargé d'affaires Joseph Wilson, Saddam Hussein indicated he had no intention of leaving Kuwait.
A front-page story in the Washington Post concerning a meeting between Saddam Hussein and Joe Wilson, which alleged Iraq's refusal to negotiate or leave Kuwait, was used to legitimate U.S. policy.
King Fahd of Saudi Arabia initially refused the U.S. offer of troops, expressing confidence in King Hussein of Jordan's efforts to negotiate an Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait before the scheduled Arab mini-summit on August 4, 1990.
CIA analyst Charles Eugene Allen urgently warned the U.S. government that Iraq was about to invade Kuwait, including walking into the offices of the National Security Council's Middle East staff to state, 'This is your final warning' and that Kuwait would be invaded by day's end.
Photographs of the main Kuwaiti airport showed no Iraqi planes, while large numbers of U.S. planes were visible in Saudi Arabia.
Representatives from Iraq and Kuwait met on August 1, 1990, in Jidda, Saudi Arabia, to negotiate disputes, but the negotiations failed to resolve the issues.
Douglas Kellner claims that major U.S. newspapers, news magazines, and television networks failed to criticize or debate the wisdom of the George H.W. Bush administration's decision to deploy troops to Saudi Arabia.
On January 2, 1991, U.S. officials revealed an Iraqi offer to withdraw from Kuwait if the United States pledged not to attack during the withdrawal, if foreign troops left the region, and if there was agreement on the Palestinian problem and the banning of all weapons of mass destruction in the region.
Highly placed figures within Iraq told us that during the course of his meetings with King Hussein, the Iraqi President had agreed to go to Jeddah for a mini-summit on August 4 to negotiate with King Fahd and, if the negotiations were successful, to withdraw from Kuwait.
Douglas Kellner argues that President George H.W. Bush could have prevented the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait by directly contacting Iraq or making a public statement warning Iraq of the consequences of invading its neighbor.
Fred Dawson reported in the Middle East Report that the breakdown of the August 1, 1990, negotiations between Iraq and Kuwait was caused by the contemptuous and dismissive attitude of the Kuwaiti delegation, which prompted the Iraqi team to walk out.
On July 31, 1990, John Kelly, the U.S. assistant secretary of state for Middle Eastern affairs, stated that the United States had no formal commitment to the defense of Kuwait.
A Pentagon official stated: 'They have not brought a lot down to Kuwait for a large-scale drive into Saudi Arabia. A long-term drive would require more of a logistical tail -- more water, gas, fuel, ammunition, spare parts and all of that.'
Douglas Kellner notes that the alternative press advocated for a UN peacekeeping force instead of a massive U.S. military deployment, but this perspective was largely excluded from mainstream media coverage.
Former CIA director Richard Helms attempted to advance an Iraqi peace initiative involving withdrawal from Kuwait, but was unsuccessful.
After U.S. forces began deploying to Saudi Arabia, the Bush administration and Pentagon asserted that Iraqi forces in Kuwait had doubled in size.
The Washington Post's August 7, 1990, edition featured a banner headline stating 'Saddam says Seizure of Kuwait Is Permanent.'
The author claims that the United States continued to appease Iraq despite clear signals and intelligence from the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and military intelligence that an invasion of Kuwait was imminent.
Saddam Hussein told UN Secretary General Pérez de Cuéllar in Baghdad that he would withdraw from Kuwait on August 5, 1990, provided that a mini-summit planned for August 4 in Jeddah was successful.
Within 36 hours of the invasion of Kuwait, the Iraqi Revolutionary Command Council announced that Iraqi armed forces had completed their duties in Kuwait and would begin withdrawing on August 5, provided no threats to the security of Kuwait or Iraq emerged.
General Norman Schwarzkopf explained to the Saudis that the Iraqi military had sent small command-and-control units ahead of the main mass of troops, which explained why Saudi scouts failed to detect them.
Washington Post columnist Jim Hoagland criticized Saddam Hussein's claim that dispossessed Arabs would profit from the seizure of Kuwait's oil in an August 9, 1990, article.
On the weekend of July 21, 1990, Iraq deployed 30,000 troops, tanks, and artillery to its border with Kuwait.
Salinger and Laurent (1991), Emery (1991), and Simpson (1991) report that independent investigative sources blame Kuwait for subverting the Jidda summit.
Yasir Arafat delivered a letter from Saddam Hussein to a Palestinian businessman with White House contacts, addressed to George Bush, which confirmed that Iraq was ready to withdraw from Kuwait provided that its problems with Kuwait were resolved first.
The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) asserted that Saddam Hussein was prepared to invade Kuwait prior to the actual invasion, yet the George H.W. Bush administration did not take action.
The Bush administration rejected the concept of 'linkage' regarding the resolution of the Kuwaiti question with other Middle East issues, despite the fact that negotiators often use linkages to provide solutions to crises.
A planned meeting between Iraq, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia in Jidda, Saudi Arabia, intended to resolve the Gulf crisis, was announced on August 3, 1990, but failed to produce results.
ABC News purchased satellite photos of Saudi Arabia and Kuwait from the Soviet commercial satellite agency Soyez-Karta in 1990, but declined to use them after the photos failed to show the massive Iraqi troop deployment claimed by the Bush administration.
Pentagon officials stated after the Persian Gulf War that the Iraqi divisions positioned furthest south in Kuwait were not the elite Republican Guard forces, as the Republican Guard had been moved back to Iraq during the first week of the invasion.
On August 3, 1990, the New York Times editorial board stated: "The U.S. has no treaty obligation to come to Kuwait's aid. But the gulf states and most nations still look to Washington for leadership and help in organizing action. President Bush has responded with the right lead--a strong national stand and a strong push for collective diplomacy."
On July 31, 1990, Defense Intelligence Agency analyst Pat Lang wrote a memo warning top policy makers that Saddam Hussein intended to invade Kuwait, which he intended as a 'thunderclap' but which drew virtually no reaction.
The Financial Times stated: "The 'immediate issue' is for 'Iraq to get out of Kuwait'; but in the light of Iraq's proposal, 'the onus is now on everyone involved, including Middle Eastern and Western powers, to seize the initiative and harness diplomacy to the show of political, military and economic force now on display in the Gulf"
Jim Hoagland interpreted Iraq's invasion of Kuwait as a challenge to the legitimacy of remaining monarchies in the Arabian Peninsula, where Britain established most existing boundaries and political systems during the colonial era.
Former national security adviser Robert McFarlane cited a Washington Post story as evidence that Saddam Hussein was not going to leave Kuwait and that U.S. military intervention in Saudi Arabia was necessary.
The London-based Mideast Mirror reported that King Hussein of Jordan brought a peace proposal from Iraq to President George H.W. Bush, in which Saddam Hussein expressed willingness to negotiate a withdrawal of Iraqi troops from Kuwait, provided that U.N. sanctions were lifted and the U.S. military buildup in Saudi Arabia ended, with the exception of the restoration of the al-Sabah clan in Kuwait.
The National Security Council considered and rejected an Iraqi offer to withdraw from Kuwait on August 10, 1990, because the proposal was considered to be moving against United States policy.
Initial reports following the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait suggested Iraq had between 80,000 and 100,000 troops in Kuwait, a figure frequently cited by the Bush administration and mainstream media.
The United States mobilized United Nations resolutions against Iraq, including a resolution on November 29, 1990, that authorized the use of force to eject Iraq from Kuwait.
Emery (1991) claims, based on interviews with King Hussein of Jordan and other Arab sources, that Saddam Hussein was prepared to negotiate a solution to the Gulf crisis and withdraw from Kuwait, but the United States blocked these early negotiation attempts.
Vialls (1991) suggested that the Gulf War may have been a ploy to exhaust Saudi, Kuwaiti, and Iraqi oil supplies to increase oil prices, thereby making the development of off-shore oil resources near the Falkland Islands profitable for the U.S. and Britain.
Pierre Salinger and Eric Laurent claimed that the Bush administration actively subverted Arab attempts to reach a diplomatic solution to the Kuwait crisis in early August 1990.
Brent Scowcroft served on the board of directors of Santa Fe International, a Kuwaiti corporation that controlled U.S. corporations, including one accused of slant-drilling into the Iraqi Rumalia oil field.
Edward Herman expressed his view in Z Magazine that the Bush administration invited Saddam Hussein into Kuwait through 'sheer incompetence,' but also saw an opportunity to set him up as a 'naked aggressor who must be taught a lesson.'
Rumors circulated that Iraq was willing to withdraw from Kuwait in exchange for concessions regarding the disputed Rumaila oil field, debt forgiveness, and access to Kuwaiti islands to ensure Gulf access.
The United States government rejected Saddam Hussein's proposal for an Arab-only resolution to the Kuwait crisis, despite the United States' own historical policy of opposing outside interference in Latin America and the Caribbean.
Douglas Kellner claims that the George H.W. Bush administration exaggerated the number of Iraqi troops in Kuwait and the threat to Saudi Arabia to scare the Saudis into accepting U.S. troops and to justify the U.S. military buildup and eventual military action.
The actual number of Iraqi troops deployed in Kuwait during the first six weeks of the crisis is uncertain, despite Bush administration reports of 100,000 troops pre-invasion.
On August 9, 1990, the United States received a back-channel offer from Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait in return for the settlement of some border disputes.
Saudi scouts sent across the border into Kuwait after the Iraqi invasion reported no trace of Iraqi troops heading toward Saudi Arabia.
Patrick Tyler wrote in a Washington Post summary article: "The initial move to seize Kuwait was relatively painless. But the next step that Saddam reportedly threatened yesterday--a possible invasion of Saudi Arabia--would pose immense difficulties for the Iraqi leader, forcing his army to operate far from home, at the end of long supply lines, in the intense summer heat of the desert" (p. A9).
Douglas Kellner argues that the Bush administration set the stage for the Gulf War by failing to warn Iraq of the consequences of invading Kuwait, quickly sending troops to Saudi Arabia, and undercutting diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis.
Following the invasion of Kuwait, Saddam Hussein threatened to turn the Gulf into "a graveyard for those who think of committing aggression" while simultaneously emphasizing the temporary nature of the Iraqi intervention.
The Iraqi deployment into Kuwait following the invasion was entirely defensive, and the movement of Iraqi forces toward the Saudi border was a standard tactical measure to establish frontlines and tripwires rather than an offensive maneuver.
On August 7, 1990, State Department spokesperson Margaret Tutweiler described Iraqi troops as massing on the border and presented Joseph Wilson's meeting with Saddam Hussein negatively, reinforcing the narrative that Iraq would not leave Kuwait, would not negotiate, and was about to invade Saudi Arabia.
Saddam Hussein miscalculated the international response to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, believing that Western powers would allow the seizure because they had previously provided military support, technology, and economic arrangements to Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War.
King Fahd of Saudi Arabia told King Hussein of Jordan that the failure of the Jidda conference was the fault of the Kuwaitis, and King Hussein believed the Kuwaitis sabotaged the summit and that the note from the Emir of Kuwait to the Crown Prince was authentic.
U.S. Ambassador to Iraq April Glaspie told Saddam Hussein that the United States had 'no opinion' on the border dispute and other disputes between Iraq and Kuwait.
On August 19, 1990, Saddam Hussein proposed that the status of Kuwait be resolved exclusively by Arab states without external interference, citing the Syrian occupation of Lebanon and Morocco's actions in Western Sahara as precedents.
Saudi Arabia possesses an investment portfolio larger than that of Kuwait.
In a Washington Post column titled 'Force Hussein to Withdraw,' Jim Hoagland asserted that Saddam Hussein had gone to war to gain control of the oil fields of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.
King Hussein of Jordan was shown satellite pictures of tanks moving along roads near the Saudi/Kuwaiti border and claimed that the Saudis "pressed the panic button" upon seeing them.
The New York Times reported on August 4, 1990, that Pentagon officials stated more than 60,000 Iraqi troops were massing in southern Kuwait, with some within five to ten miles of the Saudi frontier.
General Colin Powell concluded that Iraq was not bluffing about invading Kuwait and told Dick Cheney to warn President George H.W. Bush, but no action was taken.
George Bush used the Gulf War crisis to divert attention from domestic economic problems by scapegoating Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait for rising oil prices and economic instability.
Iraqi forces crossed the border into Kuwait early on the morning of August 2, 1990, following the breakdown of negotiations in Jidda.
A Congressional summary concluded that a diplomatic solution to the conflict in Kuwait might have been possible in August 1990.
On August 23, a former high-ranking U.S. official delivered an Iraqi peace offer to National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft. The proposal included an Iraqi agreement to withdraw from Kuwait and allow foreigners to leave in exchange for the lifting of economic sanctions, guaranteed access to the Gulf, and control of the Rumaila oil field. It also proposed negotiations for an oil agreement, joint efforts to secure Gulf stability, and a plan to alleviate Iraq's economic and financial problems.
The Washington Post reported on August 4, 1990, that U.S. intelligence monitored a buildup of 100,000 Iraqi troops in Kuwait south of the capital and near the border with Saudi Arabia.
On August 6, 1990, the Bush administration expressed concern that Saudi Arabia and other leading Arab countries were not taking the Iraqi threat seriously and were inclined to appease Baghdad by allowing the takeover of Kuwait.
The 'conspiracy account' suggests that the United States encouraged Kuwait to lower oil prices and refuse to settle disputes with Iraq to provoke Iraq into a military action that would justify U.S. intervention and the destruction of Iraq.
The Financial Times conceded that Iraq's demand to link the resolution of the Kuwaiti question to other Middle East issues, such as Arab/Israeli relations and Lebanon, was rational.
Iraq canceled the mini-summit scheduled for August 4, 1990, in Jeddah because Egypt successfully passed a resolution condemning the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait at an Arab League meeting in Cairo on August 3, 1990.
ABC Pentagon correspondent Bob Zelnick reported that the Pentagon claimed Iraqi troop presence in Kuwait had doubled to over 200,000 soldiers.
Cockburn and Cohen argued that the George H.W. Bush administration was attempting to pressure Kuwait into a more tractable position regarding oil prices and the leasing of two islands to Iraq for the construction of a deep-water harbor in the Gulf.
On August 7, 1990, the Iraqi news service denied reports that Iraq was massing troops on the Saudi/Kuwaiti border and claimed it had no intention of invading Saudi Arabia.
Iraq and Kuwait combined controlled approximately 20 percent of the world's known oil reserves at the time of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait.
The author argues that the Bush administration is largely responsible for the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the subsequent war because it failed to warn Iraq against the invasion or urge Kuwait to negotiate with Iraq.
In her March 1991 testimony, U.S. Ambassador April Glaspie claimed she had taken a tough approach with Saddam Hussein and that transcripts of her conversation with him omitted passages where she emphasized a 'vital' U.S. relationship with Kuwait and warned against settling disputes through non-peaceful means.
The American Friends Service Committee published a report on August 8, 1990, which argued that Iraq would not continue past Kuwait to the Saudi oil fields for five reasons: (1) Iraq and Saudi Arabia had been coordinating oil pricing policies in opposition to Kuwait; (2) Iraq needed time to absorb Kuwait; (3) Saudi Arabia's military forces were larger and more capable than Kuwait's; (4) Iraqi supply lines would become overstretched and vulnerable to air attack; and (5) An attack on Saudi Arabia would prompt military intervention by the United States and other countries.
Kuwait had invested between $100 billion and $250 billion in the economies of Britain and the United States.
George Bush Jr. sold his stock in Harken oil weeks before the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and failed to report the transaction until March 1991, nearly eight months after the federal deadline.
The Bush administration dismissed Iraqi peace offers because President George H.W. Bush demanded the unconditional withdrawal of Iraq from Kuwait.
The United States government planned to defy Iraq's order to shut down the U.S. embassy in Kuwait and considered firing on ships even without a UN resolution, despite Soviet opposition to such a resolution.
During a PBS discussion on August 7, 1990, co-anchor Judy Woodruff stated that Saddam Hussein was quoted in a Washington Post story as saying the invasion of Kuwait was irreversible and permanent.
Iraq had grievances against Kuwait regarding a long-standing border dispute and Kuwait's refusal to cancel debts Iraq incurred during the Iran-Iraq war of 1980-1988.
U.S. Ambassador to Iraq April Glaspie hinted in a New York Times interview that the United States was surprised that Iraq seized the entirety of Kuwait, suggesting the U.S. expected Iraq to only take the off-shore islands and the disputed oil field.
The conspiracy account posits that the United States signaled to Iraq that it would not object to an invasion of Kuwait, intending to trap Iraq and mobilize a coalition against it.
On August 1, 1990, reports indicated that Iraq had amassed 100,000 troops on the Kuwaiti border.
The conspiracy theory provides a rationale for Kuwait's refusal to negotiate with Iraq and Iraq's decision to invade, suggesting that Kuwait would not have provoked Iraq without a prior U.S. pledge of support.
Douglas Kellner claims the Bush administration deliberately overestimated the size and competency of the Iraqi army in Kuwait and that mainstream media uncritically reproduced these figures.
Kissinger Associates maintained connections with Saudi Arabian and Kuwaiti forces that sought the destruction of the Iraqi regime, which they viewed as a threat to their interests.
Salinger and Laurent argue that U.S. officials April Glaspie and John Kelly inadvertently or intentionally gave Saddam Hussein a 'green light' to invade Kuwait.
Douglas Kellner claims that mainstream media exclusion of oppositional voices prevented serious public debate regarding the appropriate U.S. response to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait.
Algerian diplomats made a serious attempt at negotiation during the Gulf crisis, as some observers believed they were in a good position to resolve the situation because they were not closely allied with Iraq, Saudi Arabia, or Kuwait.