Tank (2020) presented an argument regarding the unfair burdens associated with carbon pricing.
Best, R. & Zhang, Q. Y. (2020) published 'What explains carbon-pricing variation between countries?' in Energy Policy.
The author analyzed 21 OECD countries with implemented carbon pricing policies between 1990 and 2022 to determine how government positions influence climate policy measures.
Tank (2020) presented an argument against carbon pricing based on the concept of unfair burdens.
Steinebach et al. found that higher state expenditures, which they assume indicates a more left-wing government position, are associated with more intensive carbon pricing.
Factors such as economic development and structure, diffusional processes, public belief in climate change, and international influences like EU membership and democracy-related indicators (e.g., corruption control) influence the implementation and design of carbon pricing.
The author used annual mean values for countries that have varying carbon prices across different sectors or fossil fuels, following the suggestion of Best and Zhang.
Carbon pricing is understood as a global mainstream policy instrument.
Carbon pricing provides “incentives to opt for less carbon-intensive alternatives while still leaving it to markets to determine the best and most cost-effective technologies and solutions” (p. 277).
Economic growth, measured by the annual change of logged GDP per capita, is expected to be positively related to intensive carbon pricing.
The intensity of carbon pricing instruments is widely considered insufficient to meet climate goals, despite ongoing debates regarding their effectiveness.
Governments' decisions to maintain, intensify, or reduce carbon pricing are influenced by factors beyond ideological position, such as business interests, economic developments, and policy contexts.
Participation in the European Union Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) lowers the intensity of national carbon pricing instruments.
Dolphin, G., Pollitt, M. G. & Newbery, D. M. (2019) published 'The political economy of carbon pricing: a panel analysis' in Oxford Economic Papers.
Pro-growth statements (per410) in government manifestos impede ambitious carbon pricing, whereas general economic goal statements (per408) are associated with more intensive carbon pricing.
Governments may explore additional revenue sources, such as tax increases, during economic and fiscal crises, potentially leading to the intensified use of carbon pricing to offset rising public debt as a percentage of GDP.
Government decisions regarding carbon pricing are influenced by a variety of factors beyond ideological position, including economic conditions, institutional frameworks, policy contexts, and situational pressures.
Pro-growth statements (coded as per410) in government manifestos impede ambitious carbon pricing.
Academic literature regarding the partisan effects on the design intensity of carbon pricing is currently very limited.
Maestre-Andrés, Drews, and van den Bergh (2019) reviewed literature concerning the perceived fairness and public acceptability of carbon pricing.
Politics and science must prioritize social equity and justice concerns as the intensity of carbon pricing increases, specifically through measures like targeted revenue redistribution to prevent disproportionate financial burdens on low-income households.
As of 2022, the World Bank reports that carbon pricing instruments are implemented in 68 national, subnational, or supranational jurisdictions, covering 23 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions.
Dolphin, G., Pollitt, M. G. & Newbery, D. M. (2019) authored 'The political economy of carbon pricing: a panel analysis' published in Oxford Economic Papers.
Carbon pricing is utilized by the full political spectrum, including both left-wing and right-wing governments.
The average price of carbon ranges from less than one USD per ton of CO2e in Poland to more than 75 USD per ton of CO2e in Sweden, based on data obtained from the World Bank.
Targeted redistribution of revenues is necessary to ensure that financial burdens from carbon pricing do not disproportionately impact low-income households.
Pro-growth political statements are empirically associated with lower intensity of carbon pricing.
Statements focusing on general economic goals are associated with more intensive carbon pricing, indicating that political parties attempt to combine environmental protection with economic goals in their manifestos.
Muth, D. (2023) authored 'Pathways to stringent carbon pricing: Configurations of political economy conditions and revenue recycling strategies. A comparison of thirty national level policies' published in Ecological Economics.
Countries such as Canada, Switzerland, and the UK have added carbon pricing instruments for additional sectors, which leads to changes in emission coverage over time.
Carbon pricing policies are part of a broader climate policy portfolio that includes voluntary programs, subsidies, R&D investment, and regulatory approaches.
The introduction of carbon pricing is considered a 'mainstream' instrument used by governments of all political affiliations, though the intensity of these policies varies over time.
Maestre-Andrés, Drews, and van den Bergh (2019) reviewed literature regarding the perceived fairness and public acceptability of carbon pricing.
E. V. Thisted and R. V. Thisted's article 'The diffusion of carbon taxes and emission trading schemes: the emerging norm of carbon pricing' examines the spread of carbon pricing mechanisms as a global policy norm.
Policy diffusion across countries is a driving force for both the adoption of carbon pricing and the intensity of its design.
Research on carbon pricing has expanded beyond post-introduction effects, such as effectiveness and economic or social consequences, to investigate the factors that condition the introduction and stringency of carbon pricing instruments.
Khan, J. & Johansson, B. (2022) published 'Adoption, implementation and design of carbon pricing policy instruments' in Energy Strategy Reviews.
van den Bergh and Botzen (2024) assessed various criticisms of carbon pricing.
Boyce (2018) evaluated the effectiveness and equity of carbon pricing.
Statements regarding general economic goals are associated with more intensive carbon pricing, indicating that political parties attempt to combine environmental protection with economic goals in their manifestos.
The intensity of carbon pricing and its development over time are dependent on the ideological positions of the political parties involved in government, even though governments of all political parties have introduced such instruments.
Policy stringency in carbon pricing is measured by the price per ton of carbon emissions and the coverage of those emissions over time.
Boyce (2018) evaluated the effectiveness and equity of carbon pricing.
Governments' decisions to maintain, intensify, or reduce carbon pricing are influenced by factors beyond ideological position, such as business interests, economic developments, and policy contexts.
The correlation between carbon price and emission coverage is r = 0.3.
The author uses First Difference (FD) models in their regression analysis to address non-stationarity in level variables, including carbon pricing, because they cannot reject the null hypothesis of unit root for these variables.
Pro-productionist government positions are associated with more intensive carbon pricing, while pro-environmental government positions do not impact the design of carbon pricing instruments.
Carbon pricing provides “incentives to opt for less carbon-intensive alternatives while still leaving it to markets to determine the best and most cost-effective technologies and solutions” (p. 277).
Economic growth, measured by the annual change of logged GDP per capita, is expected to be positively related to intensive carbon pricing because growing economies can better afford the costs of externalities.
Carbon pricing is understood today as a “global mainstream policy instrument”.
The average carbon price ranges from less than one USD per ton of CO2e in Poland to more than 75 USD per ton of CO2e in Sweden.
The existence of partisan effects on carbon pricing implies that voters can have a direct impact on climate policy by electing parties that prioritize environmental issues over economic growth.
The study 'Using the revenues from carbon pricing—Insights into the acceptance and perceptions of particularly burdened groups' published in Energy Policy (2023) examines public acceptance and perceptions regarding the use of revenues generated from carbon pricing policies.
Carbon pricing policies, including taxes and emission trading systems, serve as central instruments for governments to limit global warming by providing households and businesses with economic incentives to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
While the effectiveness of carbon pricing is debated, the prevailing assumption is that the intensity of these instruments is insufficient to meet climate goals.
The left-right political dimension is problematic regarding market-based climate instruments like carbon pricing because right-wing actors may prefer market-based instruments despite generally being less in favor of climate action than left-wing actors.
Veto players play a minor role in the decision-making process of carbon pricing, as indicated by the lack of statistical significance in the coefficient of adjusted government position.
Carbon pricing policies offer "an efficient way to mitigate climate change as it provides households and businesses with economic incentives for reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions."
Rising public debt as a percentage of GDP could be offset by the intensified use of carbon pricing.
The intensity and development of carbon pricing instruments over time are dependent on the ideological positions of the political parties involved in government.
Factors including economic development and structure, diffusional processes, public belief in climate change, and international influences such as EU membership and democracy-related indicators like corruption control influence the implementation and design of carbon pricing.
Pro-growth political statements are empirically associated with a lower intensity of carbon pricing.
Increasing trade interdependence with countries that price carbon intensively leads to more intensive carbon pricing through learning processes.
Levi, S., Flachsland, C. & Jakob, M. (2020) authored 'Political economy determinants of carbon pricing' published in Global Environmental Politics.
Best, R. & Zhang, Q. Y. (2020) authored 'What explains carbon-pricing variation between countries?' published in Energy Policy.
The extent to which a government's ideological position influences the design of carbon pricing remains a subject of research inquiry.
Jessica F. Green reviewed ex-post analyses to determine if carbon pricing reduces emissions in Environmental Research Letters.
Partisan theory suggests that the ideological positions of governing parties impact policy outputs, including the introduction of carbon pricing.
Harrison highlights the central role of political actors, specifically green parties, in the adoption of carbon pricing based on a comparative case study of Finland, Denmark, Germany, and Canada.
Policy diffusion across countries is a driving force for both the adoption of carbon pricing and the intensity of its design.
Governments can implement carbon pricing designs that render the policies either highly effective or essentially ineffective.
Politics and science must prioritize social equity and justice concerns as the intensity of carbon pricing increases.
The author rebuilds the Jahns index for pro-environmental statements (using codes per416 and per501) and pro-productionist statements (using codes per410, per408, and per411) separately to analyze government carbon pricing decisions.
Increasing trade interdependence with countries that price carbon intensively is expected to lead to more intensive carbon pricing in domestic economies through learning processes.
“[…] just knowing the level of a country’s carbon price does not tell us much about that country’s policy regime. A $100 per ton carbon price imposed on an inelastic pollution source that comprises 5 percent of a country’s emissions may be ineffective; a blanket $5 per ton price on 100 percent of a country’s carbon pollution could meaningfully shift economic behavior”
The European Union's environmental and climate standards, directives, and requirements create political and legal pressure on member states, potentially incentivizing them to implement intensive national carbon pricing to meet emission reduction targets.
Economic growth and falling national debt are associated with more intensive carbon pricing.
A shift in government position toward a stronger productionist stance leads to a decrease in the intensity of carbon pricing.
The diffusion of climate policies has a positive impact on a government's decision to price carbon more intensively.
The carbon pricing intensity measure ranges from almost zero to 56, based on 341 country-year observations in which national carbon pricing policies were in force.
Climate economists argue that carbon pricing “should be a core part of the climate policy instrument mix” (p. 128).
Governments may reduce the need for intensive carbon pricing by focusing on alternative instruments such as subsidies or permits, especially if many climate policy measures have been implemented recently.
Veto players play a minor role in the decision-making process of carbon pricing.
The author uses first difference (FD) models in their regression analysis to address non-stationarity in level variables, including carbon pricing, which would otherwise lead to spurious regression results.
Expanding the country sample to 31 countries to account for potential selection bias in national carbon pricing data resulted in marginal changes to the study's results.
The author analyzed 21 OECD countries between 1990 and 2022 using first-difference estimation to test the impact of government positions on carbon pricing intensity.
van den Bergh and Botzen (2024) assessed various criticisms directed at carbon pricing.
Karapin, R. (2020) published 'The political viability of carbon pricing: policy design and framing in British Columbia and California' in Review of Policy Research.
The author found that pro-productionist government positions are associated with more intensive carbon pricing, while pro-environmental positions do not impact the design of carbon pricing instruments.
Jessica F. Green's article 'Does carbon pricing reduce emissions? A review of ex-post analyses' reviews existing ex-post studies to evaluate the effectiveness of carbon pricing in reducing greenhouse gas emissions.
Karapin, R. (2020) authored 'The political viability of carbon pricing: policy design and framing in British Columbia and California' published in Review of Policy Research.
“[…] just knowing the level of a country’s carbon price does not tell us much about that country’s policy regime. A $100 per ton carbon price imposed on an inelastic pollution source that comprises 5 percent of a country’s emissions may be ineffective; a blanket $5 per ton price on 100 percent of a country’s carbon pollution could meaningfully shift economic behavior” (p. 8).
Government decisions regarding carbon pricing are likely influenced by factors beyond ideological position, including economic conditions, institutional frameworks, policy contexts, and situational pressures.
Political constraints have a negative effect on the design intensity of carbon pricing.
Research on carbon pricing has expanded beyond post-introduction effects, such as effectiveness and economic or social consequences, to investigate the factors that condition or facilitate the introduction and stringency of carbon pricing instruments.
Consensual democratic structures, such as proportional representation (PR) systems and corporatist arrangements, facilitate the adoption of carbon pricing.
The political identity of the governing party does not significantly influence the introduction of carbon pricing, but it may influence the stringency of the policy design.
For carbon pricing, policy stringency can be directly measured by analyzing price levels and coverage over time.
Current carbon pricing levels, including both prices and coverage, are too low to reach the targets established by the Paris climate agreement.
Emission coverage of carbon pricing instruments is lowest in Latvia at 3 percent of national emissions and highest in Japan at 75 percent.
The author expects that a change in governmental position on the environmental-productionist dimension leads to a change in the intensity of carbon pricing policy.
While institutional frameworks, economic conditions, and situational pressures influence government decisions on carbon pricing, the government's ideological position remains a decisive element for pricing intensity.
Khan, J. & Johansson, B. (2022) authored 'Adoption, implementation and design of carbon pricing policy instruments' published in Energy Strategy Reviews.
Climate economists argue that carbon pricing “should be a core part of the climate policy instrument mix” (p. 128).
The political identity of the governing party does not significantly influence the initial introduction of carbon pricing, but it may influence the stringency of the policy design.
Pro-growth statements made by government parties are associated with lower intensity of carbon pricing, suggesting that economic-related statements impede ambitious carbon pricing more than environment-related statements facilitate it.
Harrison highlights the central role of political actors, specifically green parties, in the adoption of carbon pricing in a comparative case study of Finland, Denmark, Germany, and Canada.
As of 2022, carbon pricing instruments are implemented in 68 national, subnational, or supranational jurisdictions, covering 23 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions, according to the World Bank.
Klenert et al. (2018) discussed strategies for making carbon pricing work for citizens.
Klenert et al. (2018) discussed strategies for making carbon pricing work for citizens.
Consensual democratic structures, such as proportional representation systems and corporatist arrangements, facilitate the adoption of carbon pricing.
The author calculates a diffusion variable for carbon pricing by multiplying trade interdependencies between countries with their respective carbon pricing intensity, using data from the International Monetary Fund.
Diffusion of climate policies has a positive impact on a government's decision to price carbon more intensively.
Governments may mitigate climate change using instruments such as subsidies or permits rather than relying exclusively on intensive carbon pricing.
Current carbon prices and the share of emissions covered by policies are too low to reach the targets established by the Paris climate agreement.
Statements regarding general economic goals (coded as per408) are associated with more intensive carbon pricing, suggesting parties attempt to combine environmental protection with economic goals.
The left-right political dimension is problematic for market-based climate instruments like carbon pricing because right-wing actors may prefer these instruments despite generally being less in favor of climate action than left-wing actors.
Levi, S., Flachsland, C. & Jakob, M. (2020) published 'Political economy determinants of carbon pricing' in Global Environmental Politics.
Skovgaard et al. observed that political parties play a minor role in carbon pricing, noting that left-wing governments were more important for early adopters, while green parties were more relevant for second-wave adopters.
Skovgaard et al. observed that left-wing governments were more important for the early adoption of carbon pricing, while green parties were more relevant for the second wave of adoption.
Some recent literature refers to carbon pricing as 'mainstream policy instruments,' suggesting that political parties and their policy positions are irrelevant to the choice of instrument.
Carbon pricing is utilized by the full political spectrum, comprising both left and right-wing governments.
While literature refers to carbon pricing as a 'mainstream' instrument used by governments of all affiliations, the study finds that carbon pricing intensity varies significantly over time based on government position.